The Prince is a political treatise written at the beginⁿing of the 16th century by Nicolas Machiavelli, politician and Florentine writer, that shows how to become prince and remain so, analyzing examples of ancient history and the Italian history of the era. Because the book did not moral advice to the prince as the conventional treaties addressed to Kings, and instead he advised in some cases of actions contrary to morality, he was often charged with immoralism, giving rise to the epithet "Machiavellian". However, the book has known a large seed and was praised and analyzed by many thinkers.

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Sommaire

0.1 THE COMPLETE BOOK

1 The Prince

THE COMPLETE BOOK

Niccolò MACHIAVELLI (1515)

The Prince

Table of contents

Presentation of the work

The Prince

C. I. how many there are kinds of principalities, and by what means

can acquire them.

C. II. Hereditary principalities. C. III. Mixed principalities

C. IV. Why the States of Darius, conquered by Alexander, not revolted against the Conqueror's successors after his death.

C. V. How should govern States or principalities.

before the conquest, lived under their own laws.

C. VI. New principalities acquired by weapons and the skill of the purchaser

C. VII. New principalities which are acquired by the weapons of others and fortune.

C. VIII. Those who became princes by the sceleratesses. C. IX. The civil Principality.

C. X. how, any species of Principality, it shall measure its forces.

C. XI. Ecclesiastical principalities

C. XII. How many there are kinds of militias and mercenary troops. C. XIII. Mixed and own auxiliary troops.

C. XIV. Functions that belong to the prince, against the militia.

C. XV. Things for which all men, and especially princes, are leased or blamed.

C. XVI. Liberality and avarice.

C. XVII. Cruelty and clemency, and whether it is better to be loved that fears.

C. XVIII. How the princes should keep their word. C. XIX. That should avoid being despised and hated.

C. XX. If the fortresses, and several other things that often make the princes, they are helpful or harmful.

C. XXI. How should behave a prince to gain reputation.

C. XXII. Secretaries of the princes.

C. XXIII. How to flee the flatterers.

C. XXIV. Why the princes of Italy have lost their States.

C. XXV. How many, in human affairs, fortune has power, and

How can resist.

C. XXVI. Exhortation to deliver Italy from the barbarians.

Presentation

Machiavelli was born and died in Florence (May 3, 1469 – June 20, 1527). At birth the Republic is, since thirty-five years, administered to their advantage by a few wealthy families, under the authority of the head of the family Medici. August 1

1464 to 3 December 1469, it is stone, son of Cosimo the elder, who holds the power. After him, it is his young sons: Julien, who perish in 1478, victim of a conspiracy, Laurent, who will be Laurent le Magnifique, and will disappear at the age of forty-three April 8

Poor Pierre, son of Laurent, will be chased by the Florentines at the arrival of Charles VIII, in November 1494. The monk Girolamo Savonarola then becomes the head of a theocratic Republic. But the Florentines weary of the rigorism of the Dominican, make it trial and burn (May 23, 1498).

Exhortation to deliver Italy from the barbarians. Return to the table of contents

Reflecting on what I have outlined above, and looking at me – even if today the times would be such in Italy, that a new prince could get there illustrated, and a prudent and courageous man would find the opportunity and the way to give the country a new form, such that it result in the glory for himself and the usefulness for the generality of the people It seems to me that so many circumstances work together for the same purpose, I don't know if there was ever a time than this one for these big changes.

And if, as I have said, was that the people of Israel slave to the Egyptians, for the virtue of Moses; If the greatness of Cyrus could not explode until the Persians would be oppressed by the Medes;. so finally, to appreciate the value of Theseus, it was necessary that the Athenians were disunited: Similarly, in those days, for some genius could shine, it was necessary that the Italy was reduced at the end where we reached; It was more oppressed than the Hebrews, more slave than the Persians, more disunited than the Athenians, without heads, without institutions, invaded, and overwhelmed of all kinds of disasters battered, torn.

So far, some glimmers appeared, well, tell him time a chosen man of God for his deliverance; but soon she saw this man stopped by fortune in his brilliant career, and she is always in wait, almost dying, one who can close his injuries, stop the looting and saccagements suffer Lombardy, put an end to abuses and the vexations that afflict the Kingdom of Naples and Tuscany, and heal finally his wounds so ingrained that they have become fistula.

There also are constantly praying to deign to send her someone who delivers it cruelty and insolence of the barbarians. There are also ready, ready to settle down under the first banner that they dare deploy before his eyes. But where can she better put his hopes in your illustrious House, which by its virtues hereditary, by his fortune, by the grace of God and the Church, which she currently occupies the throne, can truly lead and operate this happy deliverance.

It will be difficult, if you have before you the life and actions of these heroes that I have just mentioned. It were, admittedly, rare and wonderful men. but finally they were men; and the opportunities that they took advantage were less favourable than that which presents itself. Their businesses were not more accurate than this one, and they had no more that you don't have it, the protection of the sky. It is here that justice shines in his day, because the war is always just when it is needed, and weapons are sacred when they are the sole resource of the oppressed. Here all the wishes of the people call you; and, in the middle of this unanimous provision, success can be uncertain: it is enough that you take example on the ones I proposed to you for models.

Moreover, God manifests his will by bright signs: the Sea opened, a naked light showed the way, the rock brought waters of her breast, manna fell in the desert; everything helps your greatness. The rest is your book: God wants to do everything, to not leave us without merit and that portion of glory that allows us to acquire.

What none of the Italians I talked could do what is expected of your illustrious House. that, even in the middle of so many revolutions that the Italy has experienced many wars which she was theater, and it seemed that any military value was off, that's what should point wonder: it came from that old institutions were bad, and that there has been nobody who knew to find new ones. There is nothing however that does more to honor a man who begins to rise to be able to introduce new laws and new institutions: If these laws, if these institutions are on a solid basis, and if they present greatness, they admire and respect of all men.

The Italy, moreover, offers a likely subject of reforms the more universal-stool. That's where courage will explode in every individual, provided that the heads are not themselves. See in the duels and battles between a small number of opponents how Italians are superior in strength, in address, in intelligence. But should they fight together in army, their value vanishes. To blame the weakness of leaders; because, on the one hand, those who know are not obedient, and everyone thinks they know; on the other hand, he was no high enough head, either by his personal merit, fortune, above all others, that all preponderate superiority and him were submitted. As a result of there that, for so long and in so many wars that took place twenty years, all army only consisting of Italians a feel that setbacks, first witness Taro, then Alexandria, Capua, Genoa, Vaila, Cologne and Mestri.

If your illustrious House wants to imitate great men who, at various time, delivered their country, she needs to do before all things, and what must be the basis of sound between decision-making, is to appeal to national forces, because these are the most solid, loyal, the best we can possess: each of the soldiers that make up being good personally , will become even better when all together will be ordered, honored, maintained by their prince. It is with such weapons that the Italian value can repel foreigners.

The Swiss infantry and the Spanish infantry are said to be terrible; but there is in one and in the other a such fault, it is possible to form a third, able not only to resist them, but yet to defeat them. Indeed, the Spanish infantry cannot stand against cavalry and Swiss infantry should fear any other troupe of the same nature who will fight with the same stubbornness that she. We have also seen, and yet, we see the French Cavalry defeat the Spanish infantry, and this destroy the Swiss infantry. What has been done, if not a complete experience, at least a test in the battle of Ravenna, where the Spanish infantry found himself faced with the German battalions, who observe the same discipline as the Swiss: we live Spanish, favored by their agility and covered their small shields, entering the ranks of their opponents under Spears hit them without risk and without the Germans to stop them; and they would have destroyed them until the last, if the cavalry had come to load them themselves in turn.

Now that we know the default one and the other of these two infantries, we can organize a new who can resist the cavalry and not to fear other infantrymen. It is not necessary to create a new kind of company; simply find a new organization, a new way to fight; and it is by such inventions as a new prince acquires of the repu – tation and manages to grow.

So let point escape the present occasion. The Italy, after such a long wait, see finally seem her deliverer! I don't can find words to express what love, with what thirst for vengeance, with what unwavering loyalty, with what veneration and what tears of joy would be received in all the provinces which have suffered so much from these floods of foreigners! What doors would remain closed in front of him? What peoples would refuse to obey him? What jealousy oppose its success? What Italian don't would encompass it of his respects? -T – it someone whose domination of the barbarians to pounce the heart?

Let your illustrious House so take on it that noble burden with courage and hope of success that inspires a fair business and legitimate; that, under its banner, the common homeland together its old splendor, and that, under its auspices, these verses of Petrarch can finally occur!

Virtù contra furore Fia Prendera the weapon, e'l Fireteam corto. The antico valore CheNegl' Horn no anchor morto e italici.

Petrarca, Canz. XVI, V. 93-96

Exhortation to deliver Italy from the barbarians. Return to the table of contents

Virtù contra furore Fia Prendera the weapon, e'l Fireteam corto. The antico valore CheNegl' Horn no anchor morto e italici.

Petrarca, Canz. XVI, V. 93-96

Exhortation to deliver Italy from the barbarians. Return to the table of contents

Virtù contra furore Fia Prendera the weapon, e'l Fireteam corto. The antico valore CheNegl' Horn no anchor morto e italici.

Petrarca, Canz. XVI, V. 93-96

  <h2>Wikipedia:</h2>

Detail of the Portrait of Machiavelli (posthumous), Santi di Tito, 2nd half of 16th, oil on canvas.

Original version
Author	Niccolò Machiavelli
Genus	Political treaty
Language	Italian
Title	It principle or Principatibus
Editor	Antonio Blado of Asola
Place of publication	Florence
Release date	1532
French version
Translator	Gaspar of Auvergne
Editor	Marnef1 Enguilber^t
Release date	April 12, 1553
Place of publication	Poitiers

Genesis

Circumstances of writing

1498 in 1512, Machiavelli is used as a civil servant in the florentine Republic as legate to foreign powers such as the France and the Germany-César Borgia². In November 1512, a few months after the establishment of a monarchy in Florence by the Medici, he stripped of his office; in December, after the discovery of a Republican plot hatched by his friends, he is imprisoned and exiled to his farm in Sant'Andrea in Percussina³. This is where he wrote the Prince. Drafting is nearing completion in December 1513, as evidenced by the letter that Machiavelli addressed to his friend Francesco Vettori (⁾ 4:

"The evening […]I enters the ancient Sanctuary of the great men of antiquity[…]. I am not afraid to talk with them and ask them to account for their actions. They tell me with kindness; for four hours I escaped any trouble, I forget all my sorrows, I fear more poverty and death cannot scare me; I transports me in them whole. And as Dante said: he didn't there point of science if is not retained this were heard, I noticed all that in their conversations, seemed of some importance, I have composed a booklet of Principatibus, in which I discuss as much as I can all the depths of my subject, looking for what is the essence of the principalities, of how many kinds there are How are acquired, how kept and why we lose. »

But in the same letter, he announced that the work is not yet fini⁵. The work as a whole was composed between July and December 15136, with afew additions or subsequent alterations, as the dedication written between 1515 and 1516⁷. The book is published in 1532 8^, after the death of Machiavelli (1527).

Function

The function of the writing of the Prince, Machiavelli, is discussed by criticism: while it was classically accepted that the book was the result of a sudden inspiration, to go in favor of the monar^chie9, Claude L^efort10 considered a long-term task, based on the practical experience of Machiavelli and his reading of ancient historians. He supported his words on the letter to Vettori: «as for my book, if th[les Médicis]ey took the trouble to read it, they would see that I have used to sleep or play the fifteen years I have devoted to the study of the etat11 Affairs»,^on Machiavel12 diplomatic reports, drafts of ^comprehensive thinking of the Prince, and on the dedication of the book where Machiavelli does not set designed to flatter the prince but to establish a political thought based on the story: "you will find in this book, a brilliant, pompous style, nor any of these ornaments which the authors seek to beautify their writings. If this artwork is nice to you, it will only be by gravity and matter of the subject.¹³. "Similarly, while the drafting of the Prince was regarded as crossing time of the discourses on the first decade of Titus Livy, Lefort, based on a study of Hans Baron14, considers t^he previous speeches Prince and in particular, the sentence of the second chapter which alludes to a book on the republiques15 would^be an addition subsequent to the first draft of the Prince. Thus, Claude Lefort gives the book the double status of deep thought and first thought.

Summary

Written in Italian, the book contains 26 chapters.

In the first chapter, the various States are classified according to two main types: republics and monarchies, the latter being either hereditary or new. On this occasion, the trial evokes recent events that agitated the Italy in the Quattrocento, including the actions of César Borgia in Romagna and the intrigues of the Sforza in Milan to oust the Visconti.

In chapters II to XI, the author explores the different ways to conquer them and keep them.

In Chapters XII to XIV, military matters are addressed, Machiavelli is in favour of including a national conscription at the expense of the use of mercenaries still likely to cause more harm than good for the prince.

The chapters XV to XXIII expose most of posterity has interpreted and retained under the name of "Machiavellian": advice devoid of any morality to the retention of power.

The chapters XXIV to XXVI reveal the intentions of the author: these tips should help liberate and unify the Italy.

Dedication: Niccolò Machiavelli Laurent II of Medici

Portrait of Laurent II of Medici, by Raphael

Nicolaus Maclavellus ad magnificum Lavrentium Medicem: Laurent the beautiful it here is not the Laurent the magnificent died in 1492, but his grandson, Duke of Urbino, son of Pierre and nephew of Leo X, possible father of Catherine de medicis¹⁶.

Machiavelli announces that it's gift to the prince of what it has better, i.e. "knowledge of the actions of famous men. He defends himself to use to please, as usual, a bombastic style:

"You will find in this book, a brilliant, pompous style, nor any of these ornaments which the authors seek to beautify their writings. If this artwork is nice to you, it will be only by gravity and matter of the subject. Shouldn't that are allocated to me to presumption, me a man of low condition, to dare give rules of conduct to those who govern. But as those who have to consider mountains stand in the plain, and places high when they want to consider a plain, well, I think we should be prince to know the nature and the character of the people, and being of the people for good know the princes. »

I. how many there are kinds of principalities, and by what means can acquire them

Quot sint genera principatuum and quibus modis acquirantur

Machiavelli establishes a taxonomy of States: they are the republics or principalities. The principalities are hereditary or new; the new principalities are either really new, or were conquered by a hereditary prince. the new principalities, conquered by a hereditary prince were themselves previously either republics or principalities. and the means of their conquest was either weapons of the Conqueror prince or mercenary weapons; and thanks to the fortune, either through valour.

II. Hereditary principalities

Of principatibus hereditariis

The hereditary prince has little difficulty in maintaining its State because it has the support of his people, what explains Machiavelli:

"Indeed, a hereditary prince has far fewer grounds and is much less in the need to displease his subjects: in this even more beloved; and, unless extraordinary defects do hate, they should naturally be affectionnés him. Elsewhere in seniority and in the long continuation of a power, the memory of previous innovations fades; the causes that had produced vanish: it is no longer of these kinds of stones waiting that a revolution always leaves to support a second. »

III. Mixed principalities

Of principatibus mixtis

The joint Principality is a Principality new 'added as a member to another '. Prince status is difficult, to enemies both those who benefit from the old order and those who helped him to conquer and to whom he is not able to deliver on its promises, or able to attack because "any power that a prince by his armies, there always need. to enter a country, to be helped by the favour of the inhabitants", as shown in the example of Louis XII quickly chased the Milanese.

Machiavelli then provides his advice. If the conquering State nearby the conquered State, "to hold safe, just turning off the race of the prince who was the master; "and if, in all the rest, leave them their old way of being, as the mores are the same, the subjects soon live quietly. Otherwise, the company is more delicate: the prince must live in his new possession, to suppress the revolts, prevent the excesses of the officers, be love or fear by his people, resist the attacks of another State; It must also establish colonies, that will keep the influence of its former States on the new and being harmful to the few people who will be displaced by the settlers, the latter will be welcomed by the population; This avoids to maintain an army, which is both expensive and disliked by the people. About relations with the countries of the region of the conquered Principality, the prince must ally themselves with weak States, without increasing their strength, and fight with their help powerful States.

IV. Why the States of Darius, conquered by Alexander, not revolted against the Conqueror's successors after his death

CUR Darii regnum quod Alexander occupaverat a successoribus am post mortem non defecit Alexandri

Jan Brügel former, the battle of Gaugamela, 1602.

Machiavelli was surprised that the conquests made on Darius by Alexander are not revolted after his death. He explained in considering two kinds of States: on the one hand, the State, as the Kingdom of France, ruled by "a prince and his barons" whose rank is independent of the will of the prince, can be easily conquered because there is always to help the Conqueror a hostile to prince baron, but it is also easily lost, for the same reason; on the other hand, the State single head, like the Turkey, with 'a prince and his slaves' it might have as a Minister in his own way, not knowing internal opposition, can be conquered only by military victory in a pitched battle, but it is then easily retained, for the same reason. "Now if we consider the nature of the Government of Darius, we will find that it resembled that of the Turkey: also Alexandre had to battle against all the forces of the empire, and had it first undo the monarch in the countryside; but [lors de la bataille de Gaugamèles]after his victory and the death of Darius, the winner, for the reasons I have explained, remained quiet possessor of his conquest. »

V. How should govern States or principalities which, before the conquest, lived under their own laws?

Quomodo administrandae sunt civitates vel principatus, antequam occuparentur, am legibus vivebant

The prince was then three options: it can destroy the conquered States, or go live there (see chapter III, the example given here is that of the Romans destroyed Capua, Carthage and Numancia), or it may "leave them their laws, merely to demand tribute, and to establish a few Government that will contain in obedience and loyalty" (as for example did the Spartans in Athens and conquered Thebes). "Some caution be taken, something that is, if one dissolves point State, if we disperse the inhabitants, you will see, at the first opportunity, recall, invoke their freedom, their lost institutions, and try to pull together them. This is so that after more than a hundred years of slavery Pisa broke the yoke of the Florentines. »

On the contrary, if the conquered State was already under the reign of a prince, its inhabitants being already «fashioned obedience», they will welcome a conqueror without difficulty if turns off the lineage of their prince.

VI. New principalities acquired by weapons and the skill of the purchaser

Savonarola bonfire, anonymous, 1498, Museum of San Marco, Venice.

Of principatibus novis which armis propriis and virtute acquiruntur

A man who takes the power of the Interior, i.e. without a conquest, "is a clever man or well supported by fortune"; but "less need to fortune, better he will be able to maintain." The most reliable way is therefore that of «those who became princes by their own virtue, not wealth» Machiavelli takes for examples Moses, Cyrus, Romulus and Theseus.

These must at the fortune as an opportunity to seize power; for example, "Cyrus had need to find the Persians unhappy about the dominance of Medes, and the Medes soft and effeminate by the delights of a long peace." Opportunities are therefore necessary, even to the great men, "but it was by their ability that they know and put it to use for the prosperity and the glory of their motherland." Fortune is therefore not gifts to them, and notably they find it difficult to introduce new institutions: in this company the prince will be for enemies those who took advantage of the old order, while others will be that of 'lukewarm defenders' as long as they have not actually tasted the benefits of the new institutions. The ideology is therefore not sufficient, it is reversed if it is not defended by weapons, as was the case for Savonarola, and these weapons must be those of the prince (cf. chap. own XIII).

VII. New principalities which are acquired by the weapons of others and fortune

Of principatibus novis which alienis armis and fortuna acquiruntur

"Those who, private individuals, become princes by the only favour of fortune, become so with little trouble; but they have a lot to maintain. "Indeed, as older individuals, they don't have experience of command or own and loyal forces and their States,"like all things"which, in the order of nature, are born and grow too q[…]uickly, can have quite deep roots and strong enough adhesions so the first storm the point reversed

Portrait of gentleman said César Borgia, Altobello Melone, 1500-1524, oil on canvas.

The status of the princes left nothing is therefore very demanding: he asks them "enough skill to learn to prepare immediately to preserve that fortune was put in their hands, and to found, after the elevation of their power, the basics that should be established before. After taking the counter-example of Francesco Sforza, became prince by his worth (like Hieron of Syracuse, example of the chapter VI), Machiavelli explores the more ambiguous example of César Borgia, because that wasn't prince by fortune, "lost his Principality as soon as this same fortune supported m[…]ore, even though he had neglected nothing of what a skillful and prudent man should do to take root deeply in the States. The ultimate failure is therefore due to "an extraordinary and extreme malignancy of fortune."

To provide a State to his son César Borgia, Duke of Valentinois, Pope Alexandre VI Borgia combines to the King of France Louis XII and the Orsini, allowing it to take the Romagna. César Borgia, to get independent, turns first against the Orsini: they conspired against him, he mate their revolt, he pretended to reconcile, then it makes them kill. Then it ensures popular support in Romagna: he appointed Governor cruel Ramiro of Orco "to restore peace and obedience to the prince." When it's done, it puts in place a less authoritarian administration, and to appease popular resentment, "he di[…]d expose one morning[Ramiro d’Orco] in the public square of Cesena, cut into quarters, with a log and a bloody knife beside".

His plans for the future, which should enable it to overcome the French and above all no longer depend on the support of his father to "be able to resist a first shock by itself", plan to take, Pisa, and Lucca and Siena and Florence, i.e. throughout Tuscany. These plans, "he would have come out later this year where the Pope died", but it can withstand this death early, combined with her own illness and the two armies which take it in a Vice. After a eulogy of the conduct of Borgia – "it seems to me that can propose it for model to all who came to the sovereign power by the favour of fortune and the weapons of others" – Machiavelli however reproached him for having left elect Pope Jules II and he calls this strategic "fault" error which was the cause of its total ruin

VIII. Of those who became princes by the sceleratesses

His which per scelera ad principatum pervenere

Outside of valour and fortune, one can become prince by the plebiscite of the citizens (see chapter (IX) or by the villainy, which Machiavelli gives two examples: that of Agathocles of Syracuse, who, having been appointed prince after a long progression in the army, summoned the senators and prominent citizens to deliberate on public affairs and made murder do not share the power. and Oliverotto da Fermo, who, under pretext of a parade, brought his men into the city of Fermo and asked his uncle to organize a reception, he murder all the guests, including his uncle, to take power.

Machiavelli is shared between the moral disapproval and political approval. He speaks of the 'courage' of Agathocles and his "soul force", at the same time as '' its cruelty, its inhumanity and its many sceleratesses. This contradiction arises again more far and Machiavelli wondered how the cruelty of the prince, which in general is the subject of popular discontent, rebellion and political failure, can be reconciled with seamless power. His answer is that cruelty should be "committed all at once', for 'bitterness' is not too persistent in the people, and to always have an edge on the need.

IX. The civil Principality

Of principatu civili

The civil Principality has a prince chosen by his fellow citizens. He is a man of the people chosen by the large "for power, in the shadow of his authority, satisfy their ambitious desires", either this is a great chosen by the people to protect. Raised by the great prince is less favored than the prince raised by the people beca[les grands]use "want to oppress, and the people want only be point suppressed. The prince raised by the great must therefore, in addition to getting rid of the great "determined ambitious views" and that would be detrimental in times of war, to reconcile the friendship of the people as the prince raised by him, friendship that can be even stronger as it was unexpected. To evaluate this support of the people, the prince cannot rely on peacetime, because it is in the moment of adversity that it will require citizens; It should therefore "imagine and establish a system of Government as, that at any time, and despite all the circumstances, citizens need him".

X. how, any species of Principality, it shall measure its forces

Quomodo omnium principatuum vires perpendicular debeant

Either the prince can defend itself by itself, that it has enough men and money to fight an any striker, is developed in the previous chapters. either he needs the help of others, that is, before an attack should take refuge in his fortress: that one Machiavelli recommends to secure the affection of his people and the security of its fortress, which allow to hold a seat, without worrying about the rest of the country. It takes for example of German cities which the territory is reduced but that are independent with regard to the Emperor and other States, undaunted by the military attacks thanks to their fortifications, their pits, their artillery, their provisions and their reserves for a year, and their military training. The prince who will follow these tips fear no defeat, because the enemy will not remain one year without moving. The attacker can bag the country to scare citizens; the prince must appease, ensure more vindictive, expect that with time the spirits calm down and even take advantage of the debt contracted to its citizens during the destruction of their property to increase their loyalty to him.

XI. Ecclesiastical principalities

Of principatibus ecclesiasticis

The old religious institutions are sufficient to establish the power of ecclesiastical prince; Thus "these princes alone have States, and they are defending point; they have subjects, and they govern point them. But Machiavelli attributes this to 'higher causes' that it does not develop. On the other hand, it develops the reasons for the current 'time quantity' of the Church: formerly, the inner division of the States of the Church between Orsini and Colonna prevented the Church to grow. its present greatness, Machiavelli attributes it to the initiative of Alexandre VI – who knew wisely to ally with the French and help César Borgia, which was not a vain magnanimity as the Church recovered his conquests after his defeat – initiative extended by Jules II who conquered Bologna defeated the Venetians and drove the French of Italy, containing "parties of the Colonna and the Orsini in terminals where Alexander was able to reduce them.

XII. How many there are kinds of militias and mercenary troops.

Quot sint genera Templi and mercenariis militibus

Arms and laws are "good bases, without which cannot[le pouvoir du prince] fail to come tumbling down. Or "where there is no point good weapons, there may be good laws, and on th[…]e contrary there are good laws where there are good arms": so just to talk about weapons, that are either specific to the prince, either mercenaries or auxiliary, or mixed. Machiavelli denounces mercenary arms: "the mercenary Captains are or are not good Warriors: if they are, cannot rely, as they tend to their own greatness, oppressive, or prince even that employs them, or others against his will; If they are not, that they serve is soon ruined.

Battle of Agnadello, detail of the tomb of Louis XII and Anne of Brittany, marble, 1509, basilique Saint-Denis, France.

It was from this principle that he analyzes historical examples. If Rome, Sparta and the Switzerland, derive their freedom of their own weapons, instead Carthage after the first Punic War, Thebes after the third sacred war, Milan's victory over the Venetians, suffered the betrayal of mercenaries, Philip II of Macedon or Francesco Sforza. If Venice or Florence experienced a time success with mercenary captains, it is because they did not or would not covet them. Machiavelli then analyzes the military history of Venice: victorious in its naval campaigns where it had its citizens for soldiers, then employed on the Mainland of the mercenaries whom she had to suffer harm: it is as well that the Venetians had to assassinate Francesco da Carmagnola to protect themselves from him, and that later they lost in the battle of Agnadello against Louis XII of F^rance17 "in a single day t[…]he fruit of eight hundred years of work.

This is the opportunity for Machiavelli to denounce the conduct of mercenaries: they have almost no infantry, do not kill on the battlefield, make prisoners without ransom, do not attack the night, do not need to protect their camps and do not fight the winter: this is 'order they had imagined specially to avoid the perils and the work. ', but where also they led Italy to slavery and the debasement.

XIII. Auxiliary, mixed and own troops

David and Goliath, illumination, anonymous, v. 1250.

Of militibus auxiliariis, mixtis and propriis

Auxiliary weapons, i.e. weapons of another prince to which a prince asks his help have the same defects as mercenaries: "because if they are defeated, he finds himself defeated, and if they are victorious, it remains in their dependence. They are same more dangerous that the mercenary weapons, because they are United behind their prince and so glorious. Thus César Borgia made that progress when after having resorted to the France auxiliary weapons, then mercenary weapons of the Orsini and the Vitelli, eventually use only own own. Similarly Hiero of Syracuse (cited in chapter (VI) had killed his mercenaries, and even David refused the weapons of Saul to fight Goliath with his Sling.

In France, Charles VII increased the value of his army forming in his Kingdom 'companies set of gendarmes and soldiers', but his son Louis XI detracts it from using auxiliary forces Swiss which the French army is now dependent. The Roman Empire was ruin to have appealed to the Goths. Machiavelli concludes that should use its own forces.

XIV. Functions that belong to the prince from militia

Quod principem deceat circa militiam

It is through knowledge of the art of war is still prince or that one becomes: a prince neglecting arms is despised at the mercy of his servants and he can not be trusted to his soldiers. Prince first exercises her body to the war, including through the exercise of hunting, which the "hardened to fatigue ' and makes him the geography of her country – 'the base of places, the elevation of the mountains, valleys, Plains deposit, the nature of the rivers and marshes' – which will allow both to defend if attacked and to become familiar with military tactics in general imagining in the landscape of the opposing positions, as did Philopoemen during his walks. It must also prepare his mind to the war, by the knowledge of the history, "actions of illustrious men" and "their conduct in the war", model "some former well hero famous.

"That is what must be a wise prince, and how, during peace, close to remain idle, it can to guard against accidents of fortune, so that if it becomes otherwise, it is able to withstand his punches. '' »

XV. Things for which all men, and especially princes, are leased or blamed

His rebus quibus homines and praesertim principles laudantur aut vituperantur

Machiavelli examines how the prince must behave towards his friends and his subjects; He warns that although the subject has been treated many times, it will be original, because rather than engage in "vain speculation", "imaginations", he says: "must be therefore a prince who wants to continue to learn to not be always good, and use it well or poorly, depending on the need.". "First, it establishes that rents or blame the prince as he is generous or money-grubbing (cf. chap. 16), beneficent, greedy, cruel or compassionate (chap. 17), without faith or true to his word (chap. 18), fearful or brave, good-natured or proud, dissolved or chaste, franc or cunning, hard or easy, serious or light, religious or incredulous, etc. But the prince cannot at the same time avoid all vices; It must force to avoid defects "that it would lose its States", and only "if he can" avoid the other vices; Moreover, certain virtues are harmful for the prince, similarly some defects «may result[…] conservation and well-being».

XVI. Liberality and parsimony

Of liberalitate and parsimonia

It is good for a prince to be generous but if it really is, it will spend both to offer and remained at some that are depleting, he will have to catch up by heavy taxation that will hate his subjects; It will appeal to few and displease many; but once it has begun, if he wants to change the way of life, it reproached him to become stingy. The prince must therefore not be afraid initially stingy naming. its economy will enable it to support a war and to accomplish business useful without overtaxing the people; and then "will be deemed liberal by anyone, infinite number, to which it won't take nothing.

It is said that Caesar came to the empire by his liberality: indeed, it must have the quality to become prince. but to remain so, it hurts. Secondly, if the prince is to be parsimonious with its own well, it must distribute others with generosity, and including the spoils of war, without which it would not be followed by his soldiers.

In conclusion, a wise prince should resolve to be called miser, as liberality "is devouring itself" and "that it pursues, we lose the faculty to exercise yet: one becomes poor, despised, or well rapacious and heinous.

XVII. Cruelty and clemency, and whether it is better to be loved that fears

Of crudelitate and pietate; and year sit melius amari prajwala, e vel quam contra

The prince can be cruel to avoid worst headache still the disorder, especially in the early days of his reign. Thus César Borgia who had a reputation for cruelty "responds with order and the union in Romagna", while the Florentines not to be cruel, let destroy Pistoia. This leads to the question: is it better to be loved or feared? It is better to be both loved and feared, but this is extremely difficult. Also, if the choice between love and fear, it is better to be feared, because love is volatile and disappears in the face of adversity while fear remains as long as remains the threat of punishment; However, the prince must inspire the fear without inspire hatred, that it will not condemn its citizens without cause, and especially because it is in will not take their property or their wives.

Cruelty is above all its opportunity in the war and the prince must use to hold his army United and loyal. Thus, it is through his cruelty that Annibal prevented any dissent and any revolt in his army. It is instead due to his excessive clemency opponent Scipio was confronted with the uprising of its troops in Spain and then was not able to do justice to the Locrians.

XVIII. How the princes should keep their word

Quomodo fides has principibus sit servanda

As Achilles educated by Chiron, the prince must fight in man and beast, that is with laws and with the force; and the beast must have the strength of the lion and the cunning of the Fox. Machiavelli concludes: "a well advised prince must point fulfill its promise when this accomplishment would be harmful, and that the reasons which determined to promise no longer exist. "But to not let see this perfidy, it must also" perfectly possess art and simulate and conceal. His hypocrisy must make it seem "full of sweetness, sincerity, of humanity, of honour, and mainly religion. Machiavelli ensures that men in general stand to the image of the qualifications, and secondly that the prince will be judged on the result and that as long as he kept his life and his State, "all the means it has taken will be judged Honourable. Machiavelli ends the evocation of the trickery of Ferdinand II of Aragoⁿ¹8.

XIX. That it should avoid being despised and hated

Septimius Severus, bronze bust, Bibliothèque Mazarine, Paris.

Of Qntal and odio fugiendo

To avoid be hated, the prince must not undermine property nor the women of his subjects (cf. chap. 17). To avoid be despised, it must give the appearance "of the greatness, courage, gravity, firmness": so it will be clear that its decisions are irrevocable and it will not consider to deceive him. The prince must defend itself from external attacks, why just him good weapons, and against the conjurations, for this it is sufficient to have the support of his people. Indeed, a conspiracy is always risky, because denunciation offers a certain profit unlike the rebellion; If this risk is added that the prince is supported by the people, no plot can succeed. For example, after in a conspiracy the Canneschi had killed Annibale Bentivoglio, prince of Bologna, Bolognese, full of affection for their prince, rebelled, killed the Canneschi and took Prince another Member of the Bentivoglio family.

For the sake of the people, the prince may need to lower the great; He has to entrust this task to an administration, as in the Kingdom of France, where the Parliament is "the third authority of a tribunal which can, without any unfortunate consequences for the King, lower large and protect small". Machiavelli then analyzes the reign of some Roman emperors, who were to compose, rather than between large and citizens, between soldiers and citizens, which was difficult because of their opposing aspirations. Pertinax and Alexander Severus had their fall contempt that they inspired their soldiers, because their moderation; Marc Aurèle, he also tempered not was maintained thanks to the prestige of his ancestry and his virtues. Machiavelli rents Septimius Severus who, showing of "the courage of the lion and the fineness of the Fox", manages to eliminate all rivals to the Empire: Didius Julianus under the pretext of revenge Pertinax, Niger through an alliance with Albin Albin on the pretext of treason. Caracalla was killed for the hatred which he inspired to relatives, convenient for the contempt it excited among citizens, Maximin died in the revolt due to the contempt and hatred that it was him because of his low origins and his cruelty. Machiavelli concludes that the prince should take "in the example of Severus, what is required to establish its power, and Marc Aurèle which can serve to maintain the stability and the glory of an empire established and consolidated for a long time.

XX. If the fortresses, and several other things that often make the princes, they are helpful or harmful

Year arces and multa alia quae cotidie has principibus fiunt utilia year inutilia sint

The prince must equip his subjects to not be hated, except citizens of a city conquered, it must disarm and soften. The prince must not create divisions within its States, which can be beneficial to its power for peace by preventing a United opposition, but are harmful in the war as the lowest party will tend to reach the opponent.

It is important for the prince to rally to him his former enemies (i.e., for the new prince, those who opposed his seizure of power) because on the one hand the prince will rise for overcoming an obstacle, on the other hand his new friends, having to redeem themselves, they will serve him with more loyalty. On the contrary, among those who helped him take power, it must not rely on those driven by hopes it can no longer satisfy the former Government.

The prince must build fortresses if he fears his people to seek refuge in the event of rebellion as did Catherine Sforza; If he fears more the external enemy, he must destroy the fortresses that could benefit the attacker, as did Niccolò Vitelli, Guido Ubaldo and the Bentivoglio. But the prince needs to seek the support of his people, because «the best fortress a prince can have is the affection of its peoples – if he is hated, all fortresses that there be will not save, because the raised people will always find allies outside, as shown in the example of Catherine Sforza that his fortress protected not by the combined action of his people and César Borgia.

XXI. How should behave a prince to acquire the reputation

Quod principem deceat ut egregius habeatur

' Make large companies, give its stock of rare examples is what shows the most a prince. '' "Machiavelli gives the example of Ferdinand II of Aragon (cf. chap. (18) attacked Granada, then Africa, and then the Italy, then France, under the cover of religion and with the help of the Church that he thanked by the expulsion of ^the Jews of Espagne19, in an effective rhythm that left «no time to breathe, no means of interrupting the». The prince can also be distinguished as Barnabé Visconti, by rewards or exemplary sentences.

In the case of a nearby conflict, the prince must always take advantage: he who declares himself has the ingratitude of the loser without the gratitude of the winner – as the Romans unto it the Achaeans to convince them to take their party against Antiochus: "you live the price of the winner without you be acquired lesser glory, and without that there is any obligation20 ^'; on the contrary, if there are two powerful forces, to ally with one will bring gratitude if it defeats, its support if it is defeated. If there are two weak forces, to ally with one makes it victorious and so dependent, and it is also an opportunity to eliminate the other force. However, to remain independent, the prince should not ally with a greater presence to fight another (cf. Louis XII errors to the chapter 3).

Finally, the prince must honour his talented subjects and leave them in a position to exercise their powers; It must "entertain the people through festivals, performances" and to attend the meetings of corporations, "without ever however compromising the Majesty of his rank.

XXII. Secretaries of princes

His quos a secretis principles habent

Entourage chosen by the prince allows to estimate its capabilities: an estimated thus Pandolfo Petrucci of Siena to his Secretary Antonio da Venafro (it). The good prince is one which, without necessarily being able itself to the work of the Minister, is capable of judging the operations of it, 'promote each, suppress others, leaving no hope to deceive him '. The prince must choose a Minister who does not seek its own interests but the Prince; to induce him to drive as well, it must overcome benefits, so it"well convinced that he could not support itself without the support of the prince.

XXIII. How to flee the flattering

Quomodo adulatores sint fugiendi

1 Maximilia^n, Albrecht Dürer, 1519, painting on wood, khm, Vienna.

Letting flatter is a 'mistake' and the prince should not "be bribed by this plague." but should not abolish in all the people of hypocrisy, because 'if anyone can speak freely to a prince she believes true, it soon ceases to be respected. The solution is to choose only a few advisers who respond frankly to questions of the prince; Machiavelli says that they will speak only upon request and that it will not be them who will make the decisions, but the prince after having heard the truth. The shape of the Group of advisers allows the Prince to see different opinions, and so make the right decision. not to hear about the world, nor anytime, allows him to do not ever change your mind. The Emperor Maximilian was erected in counterexample: not taking advice, he is still confronted after its decisions on oppositions that do change their minds several times, preventing it to follow a clear political will.

It should not consider the wisdom of the Adviser as a screen to the ignorance of the prince: the well-advised prince is still a wise prince (cf. chap. 22); a poor prince may have taken at random a good Minister, but it will take advantage of its weakness to turn against him; and if it takes several Ministers, will reconcile their differences. "In a Word, the good advice of somewhere that they come from, are the fruit of the wisdom of the prince. »

XXIV. Why the princes of Italy have lost their States

CUR Italiae principles regnum amiserunt

The power of the new prince who acts according to the precepts of Machiavelli is the hereditary Prince, and even exceed, because the people are most affected the recent benefits as veterans benefits, and because this prince will nothing to himself. Despite the observance of these precepts some princes of Italy as the King of Naples or the Duke of Milan have been deprived, if either by their poor military management (see chapter 12-14), or that they have failed to attach the people or ensure the great. On the contrary, Philip V of Macedon, thanks to his talent as Captain with the support of its people, resisted the Romans several years and retained his Kingdom in defeat. Thus, the princes deprived of Italy must take that themselves, who «during quiet, don't point the storm worry, then, caught unawares by adversity, drop hoping that it falls under; but, even it would be, they would be liable to pay and thus in a bad way: because "there for a good, certain and sustainable defence prince, that that depends on itself and its own value.

XXV. How many, in things human, fortune has power, and how you can resist

Quantum rebus in fortuna humanis possit and quomodo illi sit occurrendum

Some major unpredictable events are not dependent on us. "Nevertheless, unable to admit that our free will be reduced to nothing, I imagine that it may be true that fortune has half of our actions, but that it pretty much leaves the other half in our power. "The fortune is like a river which, when it overflows, scans all resistors on its passage, unless dikes have been constructed in advance. So fortune 'shows especially its power there where no resistance has been prepared and carries its Furies where she knows that there is point obstacle disposed to stop it". In this analogy, the Italy is 'an extensive campaign that is warranted by any sort of defence', unlike the Germany, the Spain or the France.

Machiavelli then specifically analyzes the link of the prince to the fortune: if it relies on it, it will fall with it. otherwise, it can be wary or impetuous, patient or not, use violence or artifice. Princes of different characters, for example the a wary, the other, both can succeed, because they are from different eras and that "what is right is not always. Thus, prince patient and circumspect will prosper only if circumstances do not change, while the impetuous knows instead change with circumstances. Thus, against the opinion of Venice, the Spain and France, Jules II attacked Bologna: his initiative froze frightened Venice and the concerned Spain, and gained the support of the King of France. However, this Pope would likely have "wiped if [des revers]it had occurred in a time where it would have been necessary to behave with caution; because he could never divest itself of the system of violence to which it did that too its character. "

Thus the cautious prince is happy in a stable period, the impetuous prince in a changing period and because of their obstinacy are all two unhappy in the passage from one to the other; However Machiavelli recommends impetuosity, ' because fortune is woman: to hold submitted, should be treated with harshness; "it gives rather to men who use violence to those acting coldly: she is always friendly to young people, who are less reserved, more taken and that command with more daring.

XXVI. Exhortation to deliver Italy from the barbarians

Exhortatio ad Italiam capessendam in libertatemque has vindicandam barbaris

The circumstances are met so that a prince unifies the Italy: should she was unfortunate to appreciate the value of a new prince (cf. chap. 6), it was necessary that it was "without leaders, without institutions, battered, torn, overrun and overwhelmed by all kinds of disasters" that "some genius could shine. César Borgia was almost this hom^me21; now it is Lorenzo de Medici, which Machiavelli applies, to meet the expectations of the Italy, which will be easy by following the examples given by the book, and just because "war is always just when it is needed, and weapons are sacred when they are the sole resource of the opprim^es22.

The military weakness of Italy, which has prevented any victory over a foreign army, and any previous unification is not due to the courage of Italian soldiers, who on the contrary is very large, but the weakness and insubordination of heads. Lorenzo de Medici must therefore "appeal of national forces" which overcome foreigners, and even the Swiss and Spanish infantry who have their flaws that the Italian army will not. Machiavelli continues with a rhetorical exhortation and ends by quoting Petrarch:

"Valour will take weapons.
Against the fury and soon overcomes
Because the old value is not dead
In the hearts italiens²³».

Meaning

Unlike most treaties traditionally intended to moral of the head of State building, supposed to encourage him to use virtuous and just power, Machiavelli laying quickly that there is no power virtuous if there is not power strength. Also the fundamental question posed by "The Prince" is not 'how well user of power according to the moral and Christian virtues?' but ' how to get power and keep it.

This is not to refer to transcendent moral values as did Plato in the Republic, nor continue a utopia. Policy must be exercised taking account of practical realities, which is necessarily pass the morality at the second level, with a margin of freedom between the contingency of history (fortuna) and the cyclical and eternal of the nature.

Instead of starting from what should ideally be, Machiavelli offers from "effective truth" things. However, in politics, it is before the conflict between the men and the need to regulate their relations by the most effective means. Among these means, the fear that inspires the prince, with the deployment of its power, is one of the most suitable. It must therefore seek primarily to acquire all military, economic and legal means which will ensure its strength. It shall also not hesitate to severely punish those who challenge his authority, preferably focused on Mark imaginations (public torture for example), while keeping to be too feared by all, in order to not attract hatred too dangerous for the stability of its power. Thus the order will be preserved in the city and it will make him a much better service if, by weakness or 'tolerance', he left to settle the dispute and disorder. So, it will be able to be also much feared than loved for its leadership. In a letter to Piero Vettori's April 16, 1527, Machiavelli writes thus:

"I l[…]ike more my motherland than my soul; and I tell you that after the experience of these sixty years, during which we worked the hardest questions, where peace is required but where one cannot abandon the war, and have on hand a prince who with difficulty, can do only one or the ²⁴. »

"Virtue" (virtu) of the prince is therefore not legal but political: it is the ability to hold on to power and to deal with the contingencies of history (fortuna) knowing doser fear and love that it can inspire to maintain order and unity of his city. However, the originality of the thought of Machiavelli is not Advisor to the prince to despise any form of morality: to ensure support and the support of the population, the prince must publicly, at least in appearance, the rules of morality accepted by his people. No matter that in private, he despises these rules, and indeed it should often go against morality in its covert political actions, for example do not hesitate to betray his own word if it is a means of retaining power, but publicly he should always be able to "give change" so that its people turns against him.

Finally, another important point is the division of the city in two antagonistic mood of the people and of the great. However, Machiavelli advocates the Prince to rely on the people rather than on the great in order to maintain his power, which was one of the reasons for a number of authors (Rousseau or, more recently, Philip Pettit) classified among Republicans.

Eyes on the work

From its release in 1532, the artwork is an important success: fifteen editions would be outstanding after 20 years25 – to^be, while the first French translations appear from 1553²⁶. She quickly raises criticism, particularly for its lack of moral considerations, which clashes with the religious principles: blacklisted the December 30, 1559²7, the Prince is censored in Italy from 156428;^In 1576, Innocent Gentillet, french and huguenot man of letters, published his discourse on the means to govern well, better known by its subtitle, Anti-Machiavel. The precepts of Machiavelli, he applied in the Kingdom of France, are responsible for the passage of an ancient Kingdom, prosperous and peaceful, a tyranny torn apart by the wars of religion:

"The difference from the former Government (which followed the footsteps, ways and customs of our ancestors) with the modern, based on the doctrine of Machiavelli, sees the effects that come out. '' Because by the Government former and french, the Kingdom remained in peace and tranquility in its ancient laws, without civil war, flourishing and enjoying free trade; and the subjects retained the enjoyment of their property, States, franchises and liberties. But now, Italian and modern government the good and old laws of the Kingdom were abolished, the cruel wars are maintained in France, peace always broken, ruined and ate people, trade aneanti²⁹. »

Addressing the success of Machiavelli books become in France "as familiar and ordinary into the hands of the courtiers as the Breviary in those of a priest of vill^age30", he describes "Italian or Italianises" the leaders of the roy^aume31, alluding both to Machiavelli and the House of the medicis³². He does not hesitate to describe Machiavelli of 'horrible blasphemer and mechan^t33 '. Montaigne, taking in his essays the debate between Machiavelli and Djunaedy as an example of endless controversy, where each argument can be provided ' replies, rejoinders, replica, triplicated, quad^rupliques34 ', also cited Prince as its epoque35 great bedside book. ^He refuted Machiavelli stating that the prince should not hold its promesses³⁶, not in moral and political terms, arguing that if the prince does not its promises, it will lose the confidence of its partners and therefore its influence^on eux37; the french humanist is so interested in the work of the Florentine politician, and can be found at him a Machiavellian spirit, especially in a vision of a real moving and in perpetual mutation³⁸.

In 1605 Francis Bacon quotes repeatedly Machiavelli in his treatise of progress and the promotion of knowledge, stating inter alia that the merit of the Prince is he to see clearly the game of the tyrants, thus allowing to oppose:

"Because it is along with the fable of Basil – if he sees you first, you die; But if you see it first, it was he who dies – deceptions and Fireworks, which lose lives if they are found first. But if they act first, they are dangerous. So we are very indebted to Machiavel and others, who wrote this that men do, and not what they must faire³⁹. »

During the 17thcentury and despite the anathema that weighs on Mac^hiavel40, the Prince seems to find resonance in rationalist philosophy. Thus Descartes out of his silence on the politiqu^e41 to comment on the book in a letter to the Princess Élisabeth4^2; even when it refutes the book, it accepts the principe43^and its arguments are political rather than religious; It thus meets Machiavelli who advocates not to hold its promesse^s44:

"Regard to the allies, a prince their must keep exactly his word, even when this is harmful; because it cannot be so, that the reputation of Miss point to do what he has promised him is useful; and it can acquire this reputation by such occasions, where he goes there to him of any loss; but in those who altogether, ruining it the law dispenses of his promise. »

Spinoza also evokes the Prince in his Treaty polic^y.45, characterizing its author of 'wise man', which is of great weight, wisdom constituting in the lexicon of ethics the moment of perfection humaine⁴⁶. The Dutch philosopher arises the question of the purpose of Machiavelli: "how an omnipotent Prince, led by her lust for domination, must use to establish and maintain his power, very penetrating it Machiavelli showed him extensively; but as to the end that he has referred, it is not clear. "Spinoza makes conjectures on this sight: to warn the people not to excite the cruelty of the tyran47, or sho^wthe damaging effects of the monarchique48 regi^me.

This last assumption, that the Prince would be a Republican book is controversial in the century of the enlightenment. Frederick II of Prussia published in 1740 an Anti-Machiavel, written in french and then corrected and edited by his friend Voltair^e49. Frédéric associates itself Spinoza and the ^Prince50, and he dismissed the conjecture of it on that one, claiming that it caters well to the princes and their offers to m^ake mal51 the work, whose sections coincide with those of th^ePrince52, is built like a systematic rebuttal, rebuttal that has a moral underpinning, Frédéric speaking of "effrontery with which this abominable policy teaches crimes the more affreux53" ^and attributing to the prince an ethique54 responsibi^lity , and both political. Thus, in his refutation of the chapter 'How to govern the States or principalities which, before the conquest, lived under their own lois55'^that he execrates particulierem^ent56, Frédéric morally reject the enslavement of a people libre57, and thendemonstrates its uselessness strategiq^ue58, since once the prince has trashed the country to ensure his loyalty, his conquest serves more than rien59 h^im. It is instead the party of Bacon that incorporates 175⁵⁶1 Didero^t60 in article "Machiavellianism" of the encyclopedia:

"When Machiavelli wrote his treatise of the prince, it is as if he had said to his fellow citizens, read this book. '' If you never accept a master, it will be as I paint you: this is the ferocious beast to which you you abandonnerez⁶². »

Similarly, in 1762, Rousseau CITES in the contract social Machiavelli as the one who showed the interest of the princes to oppress the peuple⁶³^,⁶4. He deduced that "pretending to give lessons to the Kings he gave large peoples. '' Machiavelli's Prince is the book of the republicains⁶⁴. "Earlier, it is Montesquieu that is inspired by Machiavelli, especially speeches but also the Prince which he had three edit^ions65; beyond a few direct references, we can see a deeper relationship between the thought of the two philosophers, a common attitude towards politics and even denial of the prejuges⁶⁶.

From the beginningof the 19th century, then as editions of the Prince is ^multiplient67, the book is seen with a new look that does imply it more hidden meaning. Thus, in 1807, Ugo Foscolo famous Machiavelli in his poem Sepulcri68^,focusing on the patriotic message of the Prince69 ⁱⁿ the context of the Risorgimento italien7^0,⁷¹. In the same vein of national unification against the invading napoleonien72, the G^erman philosopher Fichte published the same year an essay on Machiavelli writer and passages of his oeuvres73, where, refe^rring to Machiavelli and the traduisant74, he too^kthe attitude of a Machiavelli of the Kingdom of Prussia that he wants to see withstand Napoleon and unify the Allemagn^e75.

Hegel introduced a new point of view: the Prince would be awareness of the historical necessity of the time. In his essay on the constitution allemand^e76, after noticing the similarities between the Germany that he knows and the Machiavel77 It^aly, he condemned the 'narrowness o^fvue78' of those who have condemned the Prince as a manifest tyranny, refutes the interpretation of the Prince as bearing a Republican direc^tion cache79, proclaims the correctness of the work as a response to a cont^ext history donne80 and concluded its development on this book : "The work of Machiavelli remains great testimony given by him to his time and his own faith, that the destiny of a people to its loss can be saved by a genie⁸¹. "Confirms his judgment in his lessons on the philosophy of history where he considers the" bad faith irreducible and the perfect abjection "Italian feudal lords and the need for the establishment of the unified State as ethical justification of crimes that suggests the Prince⁸². Antonio Gramsci, Italian Communist leader of the twentieth century, also sees Machiavelli as a thinker of the requirements of the story and refers to him to develop his conception of the Communist Party as 'Modern Prince' ⁸³. Louis Althusser, which Machiavelli was a major inspiration, follows these analyses⁸⁴.

Bibliography

Machiavelli, the Prince, [détail des éditions] [(fr)(it) lire en ligne]
Nicolas Machiavelli, the Prince, Éditions Ivrea, 2001;
This edition contains the French translation of J. Gohory (1571), the facsimile of the original Italian edition Blado (1532) and the French translation of the Houssaie Amelot (1683).
Machiavelli, the Prince, translation of Jean Vincent Périès;
- Edition of 1962 on the classics of social sciences website
- Revised edition by Joël Gayraud and Jérôme Vérain, afterword by Joël Gayraud, editions Mille et une nuits, Paris, 2003.
There is an edition of Jean de Bonnot, the book with the comments of Napoleon Bonaparte, at different times of his life. These comments were found in the carriage of the Emperor, pillaged by the Prussians at the battle of Waterloo.
Patrick Boucheron, Leonardo and Machiavelli, Lagrasse, Éditions Verdier, September 4, 2008, 160 p. (ISBN 978-2-864-32547 – 5)
Machiavelli, letter to Vettori of December 10, 1513 [lire en ligne]
Claude Lefort, the work of Machiavelli, Paris, Gallimard, coll. L'Oeuvre «SUCH» 1986 (1^st ed. 1972), 782 p. (ISBN 978-2-070-70563 – 4)
Michel Bergès, Machiavelli, a hidden thinker?, Brussels, Complexe, coll. «Political theory» 2000360 p. (read online)
Augustin Renaudet, Machiavelli: Study of the history of doctrines policies, Paris, Gallimard, 1942320 p. (read online)
Eugenio Garin (Trad. Filippo del Lucchese and Frédéric Gabriel), Machiavelli between politics and histo[« Machiavelli fra politica e storia »]ry, Paris, Allia, January 27, 2006 (Repr. 1993) (1^st ed. 1992), 109 p. (ISBN 978-2-84485-205^{[à vérifier : ISBN invalide]}-2, read online)
(en) Robert Bireley, The Counter-Reformation prince: anti-Machiavellianism or Catholic statecraft in early modern Europe, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press,. November 1990 (ISBN 978-0-807-81925 – 8 and 0807819255)
Rosanna Gorris Camos, "in the labyrinth of Gohory, reader and translator of Machiavelli", Italian laboratory. Politics and society, ENS Editions, no.8 "geography and politics at the beginning of the modern age". November 2008 (ISBN 978-2-84788-146-^{[à vérifier : ISBN invalide]}2, ISSN 1627-9204, read online)
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(en) Christopher Rawlence, The Missing Reel: The Untold Story of the Lost Inventor of Moving Pictures, New York, Athenum Publishers, 1990 (ISBN 978-0-689-12068-8)

References

↑ http://catalogue.drouot.com/ref-drouot/lot-ventes-aux-encheres-drouot.jsp?id=3590313 [archive]
↑ M. Bergès, Introduction: Machiavelli, first Enigma mystery: the man, the context and the work, the Florentine official, the Secretary of the Republic (1498-1512), p. 18.
↑ M. Bergès, Introduction: Machiavelli, first Enigma mystery: the man, the context and work, the Florentine official, cleansing and creating compensatory (1512-1520).
^ Letter to Vettori, p. 5.
↑ "I have fun still to increase it and Polish", letter to Vettori, p. 5.
↑ v. Bec, Introduction, p. 22.
↑ v. Bec, Introduction, p. 24.
↑ Instructions of the incunabulum on the site of the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève [archive]
↑ "It stops suddenly, to write a booklet of 80 pages which it had the intuition by cultivating a field", M. Bergès, p. 20.
↑ v. Lefort, the work of the artwork, Machiavelli, pp. 315-326.
^ Letter to Vettori, page 6.
↑ Table of things in France, report on things in Germany, how to treat the revolted populations of the Val di Chiana, etc. Ref to complete.
↑ The Prince, dedication.
↑ H. Baron, The principle and the puzzle of the date of the Discorsi, in "library of humanism and Renaissance" XVIII, Droz, Geneva, 1956, pp. 405-428.
↑ "I will point deal here of the republics, because I have discussed extensively elsewhere", the Prince, chapter 2.
↑ The Prince, Machiavelli, translation of Gohory Gallimard, 1980.
↑ In Machiavelli, "defeat of Vaila. C. Bec, p. 344, note 4, tells us it's Agnadello.
↑ Machiavelli cites "a prince that should not appoint." the veil is lifted in v. Lefort, p. 342.
↑ Machiavelli speaks of "persecute the Moors." explained by C. Bec, p. 410, footnote 2.
↑ As notes v. Bec, p. 412, note 3, Machiavelli quote here from memory Livy, who in fact lends this replica to the Roman Ambassador Quinctius: "this advice you are given not to take part in the war, is all that there is more contrary to your interests. Without weapons, without consideration, you will fall in the power of the winner. [", Roman history[détail des éditions]][lire en ligne [archive], XXXV, 49.
^ His name is not mentioned explicitly; see C. spout, p. 436.
[↑ quote from Livy: "iustum enim is bellum quibus necessarium, and pia arma ubi nulla nisi in armis spes is», Roman histor[détail des éditions]y[lire en ligne [archive]], IX, 1.
↑ (it) Petrarch, Canzone Italia mia, v. 93-96[lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ Eugenio Garin 2006, p. 53
^ Robert Bireley 1990, p. 14
↑ Rosanna Gorris Camos, «A principatibus opuscolo»: translate Il Principe
[↑ Nicolaus Macchiauellus is contained in the letter N authors"including all books and writings are prohibited" ("Auctores quoru libri, & scripta omnia prohibentur") of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum from 1559[lire en ligne [archive]].
^ See similar mention of Nicolaus Macchiavelus in 1564 of Colonia Index[lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "and the diversity of the former Government (which was reigle in consequent traces, ways & customs of our ancestors) with the modern based on the doctrine of Machiavelli, it is well void clearly by the fruicts and effects that come out. '' Because the former Government & François, the Kingdom was maintained in peace & tranquility under the observation of the old loix, without domestic war flourishing & enjoying free trade; & estoyent subjects kept in the enjoyment of their property, estats, franchises & liberties. But now the Italian Government & modern the good & old laws of the Kingdom were abolished & aneanties, the cruel wars are maintained in France, peace always broken, ruined & ate people, trade aneanty. », Innocent Gentillet 1579, preface to ^part I, 'of the Council that must take a prince", p. 11
^ "Also familiar & common hands of courtiers, such as the Breviary hands of a village priest", Innocent Gentillet 1579, preface to par^t I, 'of the Council that must take a prince.
↑ "cas are not incompetent (Italians or Italianisez) that ply the buckets of the France", Innocent Gentillet 1579, preface to p^art I, 'of the Council that must take a prince.
↑ Friedrich Meinecke (Trad. Maurice Chevallier), the idea of the reason of State in the history of modern times[« Die Idee der Staatsräson in der modernen Geschichte »], Geneva, Droz, coll. 'Library of enlightenment' (N^o. 23), ¹January 1973, 15.2 cm x 22.2 cm (ISBN 2600039678 and 978-2600039673, online presentati[archive]on, read online[archive]), p. 55
↑ Djunaedy Innocent 1579, 2n^d part, "from the religion that must take a prince."
↑ "the speech by Machiavelli, for example, were strong enough to the subject, if there had great ease to combat; and those who have it faict, left no less than easy to combat them. It is y trouveroit permanently, such an argument, dequoy provide responses, rejoinders, replica, tripliques, quadrupliques, and this infinite contexture of debates that nostre chicane has alonge until it has little for the litigant, Caedimur and totidem plagis consumimus hostem, reasons having little other basis than experience, and the diversity of human events we having infinite examples to all sorts of forms. ». [Montaigne, essays, II, 17,[lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "we recite several warlords, they've had some books in particular recommendation: as the great Alexander, Homer: Scipio the Aphricain, Xenophon; Marcus Brutus, Polybius; Charles cinquiesme, Philippe de Comines; and said, this time, that Machiavelli is still elsewhere in credit. Montaigne, essays, II, 3[[< http://artflx.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/philologic/getobject.pl?c.0:3:33:0:1.montaigne.2263272 [archive]4 read online]].
↑ The Prince,[(fr)(it) lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "those who, of our time, were considered in establishing the duty of a prince, the property of business only, and have preferred to the care of its foy and consciousness, diroyent something to a prince of that fortune would have stored at such point Affairs that for everything never it is possible to establish by a single failure and fault to his word. '' But it is not so. It rechoit often in such market; on faict more peace, more than one traitté in his life. Gain that invites them to the unfaithful first (and almost always it is presents as to all other meschancetez: sacrilegious acts, killings, rebellions, betrayals is Wednesday for some kind of fruit), but the first win brings infinite damage following, while prince out of all trade and of all means of negotiation by the example of this infidelity. », Essays, II, 17, read in lignehttp://artflx.uchicago.edu/cgi-bin/philologic/getobject.pl?c.0:3:16.montaigne [archive]
↑ Pierre Status, the real and the joy. Essay on the work of Montaigne, Hrsg. Kimé, 1997[lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "For, as the fable of the basilisk – that if he goeth see you first, you die for it; But if you see him first, he Dinh – so is it with deceits and evil arts, which, if they be first espied they leese their life; But if they prevent, they endanger. So that we are much beholden to Machiavel and others, that write what men do, and not what they ought to do. "Francis Bacon, of progress and the promotion of knowledge, LIV. [II, XXI, 9[(en) lire en ligne [archive]]
↑ Article: Spinoza and "very penetrating Florentine", Paolo Cristofolini, introduction, http://denis-collin.viabloga.com/news/spinoza-et-le-tres-penetrant-florentin [archive]
↑ Article: politically incorrect Descartes, Pierre Guénancia, http://www.itereva.pf/disciplines/philo/auteurs/Descartes/Descartes%20politique.htm [archive]
↑ Descartes, letter to Princess Élisabeth, Egmond, September 1646[lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ «justice between sovereigns has other limitations as between individuals, and it seems that these encounters God gives the right to those to which it gives strength»
^ Prince, c. 18[(fr)(it) lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ Spinoza, Treaty policy, 1677, c. V, 7[lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ Spinoza and the very penetrating florentin, P. Cristofolini, 3. Machiavelli wise man
↑ "if he in volunteered a good as it is hoped of a wise man, that seems to be to show how reckless the mass been while she removes a tyrant, while it cannot remove the causes that make a Prince becomes a tyrant, but that on the contrary, more the Prince has subjects of fear, more there are causes to make him a tyrant. as it happens when the multitude makes it an example of the Prince and glorifies an attack against the sovereign as an achievement. »
↑ "can be Machiavelli he wanted show also how population must be wary of relying his salvation to one man which, if it is not futile to feel capable of pleasing everyone, must constantly fear some pitfalls and thus is forced to ensure especially his own hi and instead reach the population rather than watch over it traps. '' And I'm even more willing to judge so this very clever author that is given to hold it to a constant supporter of freedom and that, on the way that should be retained, he gave very beneficial advice. »
↑ Œuvres of Frederick the great, warning the editor, "IV. THE ANTIMACHIAVEL, OR REVIEW OF THE PRINCE OF MACHIAVELLI, AND REFUTATION OF THE PRINCE OF MACHIAVELLI. », [lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "the Prince of Machiavelli is actually from morality that is the work of Benedict Spinoza matters of faith: Spinoza undermined the foundations of faith, and tended not less than to overthrow any religion; Machiavelli corrupted policy, and undertook to destroy the healthy moral precepts. [", Anti-Machiavel, foreword,[lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "as it is very-easy that a young man ambitious, and including the heart and the judgment is not enough formed to distinguish the good from the bad, corrupted by maxims that flattered his raging passions, should look at any book that can contribute as absolutely pernicious and contrary to good men. », Anti-Machiavel, foreword.
↑ "I have ventured my thoughts on the Prince of Machiavelli section-to-section so that the antidote lies immediately to the poison. », Anti-Machiavel, foreword.
↑ "nothing can match the effrontery with which this abominable policy teaches the most awful crimes. According to his way of thinking, the most unjust and the most atrocious actions become legitimate when they have the interest or the ambition to aim. », Frederick II, Anti-Machiavel, c. I, [lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "if it is bad to seduce the innocence of an individual, who does that slightly on business world, it is all the more to pervert princes who must govern peoples, administer justice and give an example to their subjects, being, by their kindness, by their magnanimity and their mercy, the living of the deity image, and less to be Kings by their size and their power than by their personal qualities and their virtues. '' », Frederick II, Anti-Machiavel, foreword.
^ Prince, c. 5[(fr)(it) lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "if ever Machiavelli gave the reason, if ever he thought somehow unworthy of his being, in this chapter," Anti-Machiavel, c. V, [lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "why conquer this Republic, why put all mankind in irons, why reduce to slavery of free men? To demonstrate your injustice and your wickedness in all the Earth, and to divert to your interest, a power that should make the happiness of the citizens[…]. »
↑ "without all the aid of religion and morality, may be confused Machiavelli by himself, by this interest, the soul of his book, this God of politics and crime, the only God he loves. », [lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ "you say, Machiavelli, that a prince must destroy a free country newly conquered, to possess it more surely; but answer me: to what end he undertook this conquest? You may say that it is to increase its power and to get more formidable. This is what I wanted to hear for you prove it by following your maxims, it does the opposite; because it gets ruined by this conquest, and it then ruins the only country that could compensate him for his losses. », read online.
↑ "Bacon the Chancellor was not wrong, him, when he said: this man learns nothing to tyrants. '' they know only too well what they have to do, but he instructed the people of what they fear. Is quod gratias agamus Machiavello & hujus modi scriptoribus, which aperte & indissimulanter proferunt quod homines facere soleant, non quod debeant. "(The sentence corresponds to the passage for the advancement of knowledge cited above note.
[^ On the date of publication, see article: Dates of publication of the encyclopedia[lire en ligne [archive]].
^ Diderot, Encyclopédie, 1^st edition, Volume 9, December 1755[lire en ligne [archive]]
↑ "I confess that, assuming always perfectly subjects, the interest of the Prince would be while the people were powerful, so this power being Siena made him redoutable to its neighbours; but as this interest is that secondary & subordinate, & that the two assumptions are incompatible, it is natural that the Princes always give preference to the maxim which is more immediately useful to them. This is what Samuel representoit strongly to the Hebrews; This is what Machiavelli did see with evidence. »
^^{A b j}.. Rousseau, social contract, 1762, part III, chapter VI "monarchies"[lire en ligne [archive]]
[↑ Article:[lire en ligne [archive]]
[↑ Henri Drei, virtue and the policy: Machiavelli and Montesquieu, p. 29-30[lire en ligne [archive]].
↑ Michel Bergès, p. 238, note 370.
↑ Ugo Foscolo, Sepulcri, v. 151-159,[(it) lire en ligne [archive]].
^ Prince, c. 26[(fr)(it) lire en ligne [archive]]
↑ v. Lefort, "the name and representation of Machiavelli", p. 108.
↑ of other Italian authors practice at the time the same return to the patriotic sense of the Prince. See, e.g., A. Ridolfi, Pensiero intorno allo scopo di Niccolò Macchiavelli nel principle, Milan, 1810.
↑ Fichte published the essay cited below in Vesta, revue founded in 1807 in resistance against the Imperial occupation of Prussia, see Virginia Lopez-Domínguez, "political realism in the doctrine of science", in Fichte and policy, under the direction of j.-c. Godard and J. R. Rosale[lire en ligne [archive]s,] (plug online[archive]).
↑ Johann Gottlieb Fichte, über Machiavelli als Schriftsteller und Stellen aus seinen Schriften, 1807, in Vesta, n^o. 1.
^ See e.g.. Über Machiavelli, GA, I, 9, 254 (M 70, note), GA, I, 9, 259 (75 M) (referring on neutrality to the Prince, chapter 21][(fr)(it) lire en ligne [archive]) or GA, I, 9, 264 (M 78-79) (quoting the Prince, chapter) 25[(fr)(it) lire en ligne [archive]]), cited in the texts of Fichte letters and testimonials on the French Revolution, compiled by Ives Radrizzani, Vrin, 2002[lire en ligne [archive]].
^ Ives Radrizzani, op. [cit., preface, 'A new Machiavelli at the service of the Prussian monarchy', p. 19[lire en ligne [archive]]
[↑ Hegel, über die Verfassung Deutschlands, 1801-1802, II, 8 ("training of national States")[(en) lire en ligne [archive]]
↑ "Mit Deutschland hat Italian denselben des Schicksals gemeinschaftlich gehabt, dass Italian, weil nur Ghent in ihm schon grössere Bildung lag sein Schicksal früher der Entwicklung zufuhrte, der Deutschland vollends entgegengeht.» »
↑ "Even Machiavelli's basic aim of raising Italy to statehood is misconstrued by those who are short-sighted enough to regard his work as no. more than a foundation for tyranny or a golden mirror for an ambitious oppressor. '' »
↑ "purpose apart from this, the more astute public, which could not fall to record the genius of Machiavelli's works yet was too morally inclined to approve of his principles, nevertheless wished, in a well-meaning way, to rescue him. [from his detractors]'' It accordingly resolved the conflict honourably and subtly enough by maintaining that Machiavelli was not serious in what he said, and that his entire work was a subtle and ironic persiflage. One can only compliment this irony-seeking public is its ingenuity. »
↑ "One must study the history of the centuries before Machiavelli and of Italy during his times, and then read The Prince in the light of these impressions, and it will appear not only as justified, but as a distinguished and truthful design produced by a genuinely political mind of the highest and backed feelings. '' »
^ "Machiavelli's work remains a major testimony to his age, and to his own belief that the fate of a people which rapidly approaches political destruction can be averted by a genius. »
↑ "How thoroughly fair in the view of social morality such has subjugation was, is evident from Machiavelli's celebrated work"The Prince.". This book has often been thrown aside in disgust, as replete with the maxims of the most revolting tyranny; goal nothing worse can be urged against it than that the writer, having the profound consciousness of the necessity for the formation of a State, has here exhibited the principles on which alone states could be founded in the circumstances of the times. The chiefs who asserted an isolated independence, and the power they arrogated, must be entirely Anglo-American. and though we cannot reconcile with our idea of Freedom, the means which he proposes as the only efficient ones, and looks as perfectly justifiable – inasmuch as they involve the most reckless violence, all kinds of deception, assassination, and so forth – we must nevertheless confess that the feudal nobility, whose power was to be Anglo-American were assailable in other way no. , since an indomitable contempt for principle, and an utter depravity of morals, were thoroughly engrained in them. ', Hegel, Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Weltgeschichte, 1830-31, part IV – "German world", section II – "Middle ages", c. III – "Transition from feudalism to the monarchy"[(en) lire en ligne [archive]]
↑ The texts are for example available h[1]e[archive]re: third part, II).
^ See Louis Althusser, writing political and philosophical tome II, STOCK/IMEC, presented by François Matheron, text "Machiavelli and us.

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